-
"TO SEE WHAT IS IN FRONT OF ONE'S NOSE
REQUIRES A CONSTANT STRUGGLE."
-- George Orwell, 1946
REQUIRES A CONSTANT STRUGGLE."
-- George Orwell, 1946
James Jesus ANGELTON must be turning... and churning in his grave....looking at the Nexus CIA2/MOSSAD.
- Israel "and" America....is a covert paradigm...used by the power behind the power in USA to steamroll US politics into complete submission to the Wyoming boys...the CFR etc.,.the so-called ISRAEL's influential lobby....is a myth propagated by this occult power behind the power....because it is a very handy and a "cheap" way ...of controlling both houses of congress ...without ever disclosing any of the rogue intelligence and covert...extra-judicial operations...and all policies....in USA and the world for that matter... and the so-called Israeli lobby, with all of its spectacular ramifications worldwide is completely and utterly subservient to this power behind the power in USA, they are just a front and a cover...for the real power behind all powers in USA, and its criminal enterprise, the newfound Siamese twins of CIA2/MOSSAD, and the White House Murder Machinations INC, which is globalized in nature since 1994/95....
George Washington must be truning in his grave too....
Observe good faith and justice towards all nations...;
cultivate peace and harmony with all. Religion and mo
rality enjoin this conduct; and can it be, that good policy
does not equally enjoin it? It will be worthy of a free,
enlightened, and at no distant period a great nation, to
give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example
of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benev
olence. Who can doubt that in the course of time and
things, the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any
temporary advantages, which might be lost by a steady
adherence to it? Can it be that Providence has not con
nected the permanent felicity of a nation with its virtue?
The experiment, at least, is recommended by every senti
ment which ennobles human nature. Alas! is it rendered
impossible by its vices?
In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essen
tial than that permanent, inveterate antipathies against
particular nations, and passionate attachments for others,
should be excluded; and that, in place of them, just and
amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated. The
nation which indulges towards another an habitual
hatred, or an habitual fondness, is in some degree a slave.
It is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of
which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its
interest. Antipathy in one nation against another dis
poses each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay
hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and
intractable when accidental or trifling occasions of dis
pute occur. Hence, frequent collisions, obstinate, enven
omed, and bloody contests. The nation, prompted by
ill-will and resentment, sometimes impels to war the gov
ernment, contrary to the best calculations of policy. The
government sometimes participates in the national pro
pensity, and adopts through passion what reason would
reject; at other times, it makes the animosity of the na
tion subservient to projects of hostility instigated by
pride, ambition, and other sinister and pernicious motives.
The peace often, sometimes perhaps the liberty, of nations
has been the victim.
So likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for
another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the
favorite nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary
common interest in cases where no real common interest
exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other,
betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels
and wars of the latter, without adequate inducement or
justification. It leads also to concessions to the favorite
nation of privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly
to injure the nation making the concessions, by unneces
sarily parting with what ought to have been retained, and
by exciting jealousy, ill-will, and a disposition to retaliate,
in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld.
And it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens
(who devote themselves to the favorite nation), facility
to betray or sacrifice the interests of their own country,
without odium, sometimes even with popularity; gilding
with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation, a
commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable
zeal for public good, the base or foolish compliances of
ambition, corruption, or infatuation.
As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways
such attachments are particularly alarming to the truly
enlightened*and independent patriot. How many oppor
tunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions,
to practise the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion,
to influence or awe the public councils! Such an attach
ment of a small or weak, towards a great and powerful
nation, dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter.
Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I con
jure you to believe me, fellow-citizens), the jealousy of
a free people ought to be constantly awake, since history
and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the
most baneful foes of republican government. But that
jealousy, to be useful, must be impartial; else it becomes
the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, in
stead of a defence against it. Excessive partiality for
one foreign nation, and excessive dislike of another, cause
those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side,
and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on
the other. Real patriots who may resist the intrigues of
the favorite, are liable to become suspected and odious;
while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confi
dence of the people, to surrender their interests.
The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign
nations, is, in extending our commercial relations, to have
with them as little political connection as possible. So
far as we have already formed engagements, let them be
fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop.
Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have
none, or a very remote relation. Hence she must be en
gaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are
essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it
must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves, by artificial
ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordi
nary combinations and collisions of her friendships or
enmities.
Our detached and distant situation invites and enables
us to pursue a different course. If we remain one people,
under an efficient government, the period is not far off
when we may defy material injury from external annoy
ance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause
the neutrality, we may at any time resolve upon, to be
scrupulously respected; when belligerent nations, under
the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not
lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may
choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice,
shall counsel.
Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation?
Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why,
by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of
Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of
European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor, or caprice?
It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances
with any portion of the foreign world; so far, I mean,
as we are now at liberty to do it; for let me not be under
stood as capable of patronizing infidelity to existing en
gagements. I hold the maxim no less applicable to public
than to private affairs, that honesty is always the best
policy. I repeat it, therefore, let those engagements be
observed in their genuine sense. But, in my opinion, it
is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend them.
Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable es
tablishments, on a respectable defensive posture, we may
safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary
emergencies.
Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, are rec
ommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even
our commercial policy should hold an equal and impar
tial hand; neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors
or preferences; consulting the natural course of things;
diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of
commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing with powers
so disposed, in order to give trade a stable course, to de
fine the rights of our merchants, and to enable the gov
ernment to support them, conventipnal rules of inter
course, the best that present circumstances and mutual
opinion will permit, but temporary, and liable to be from
time to time abandoned or varied, as experience and cir
cumstances shall dictate; constantly keeping in view, that
it is folly in one nation to look for disinterested favors
from another; that it must pay with a portion of its
independence for whatever it may accept under that char
acter; that, by such acceptance, it may place itself in
the condition of having given equivalents for nominal
favors, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for
not giving more. There can be no greater error than to
expect or calculate upon real favors from nation to nation.
It is an illusion, which experience must cure, which a
just pride ought to discard.
In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of
an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will
make the strong and lasting impression I could wish;
that they will control the usual current of the passions,
or prevent our nation from running the course which has
hitherto marked the destiny of nations. But, if I may
even flatter myself that they may be productive of some
partial benefit, some occasional good; that they may now
and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit, to
warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard
against the impostures of pretended patriotism; this hope
will be a full recompense for the solicitude for your wel
fare, by which they have been dictated.
How far in the discharge of my official duties I have
been guided by the principles which have been delineated,
the public records and other evidences of my conduct
must witness to you and to the world. To myself, the
assurance of my own conscience is, that I have at least
believed myself to be guided by them.
In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my
proclamation of the 22d of April, 1793, is the index of
my plan. Sanctioned by your approving voice, and by that
of your Representatives in both Houses of Congress, the
spirit of that measure has continually governed me, un
influenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it.
After deliberate examination, with the aid of the best
lights I could obtain, I was well satisfied that our coun
try, under all the circumstances of the case, had a right
to take, and was bound in duty and interest to take, a
neutral position. Having taken it, I determined, as far
as should depend upon me, to maintain it, with modera
tion, perseverance and firmness.
The considerations which respect the right to hold this
conduct, it is not necessary on this occasion to detail.
I will only observe, that, according to my understanding
of the matter, that right, so far from being denied by
any of the belligerent powers, has been virtually admitted
by all.
The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred,
without anything more, from the obligation which jus
tice and humanity impose on every nation, in cases in
which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations
of peace and amity towards other nations.
The inducements of interest for observing that conduct
will best be referred to your own reflections and expe
rience. With me a predominant motive has been to en
deavor to gain time to our country to settle and mature
its yet recent institutions, and to progress without inter
ruption to that degree of strength and consistency which
is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the command
of its own fortunes.
Though, in reviewing the incidents of my administra
tion, I am unconscious of intentional error, I am never
theless too sensible of my defects not to think it probable
that, I may have committed many errors. Whatever they
may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or
mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I shall also
carry with me the hope that my country will never cease
to view them with indulgence; and that, after forty-five
years of my life dedicated to its service with an upright
zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned
to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest.
Relying on its kindness ir this as in other things, and
actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is so nat
ural to a man who views in it the native soil of himself
and his progenitors for several generations, I anticipate
with pleasing expectation that retreat, in which I promise
myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of
partaking, in the midst of my fellow-citizens, the benign
influence of good laws under a free government, the ever
favorite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I
trust, of our mutual cares, labors, and dangers.
GEORGE WASHINGTON
cultivate peace and harmony with all. Religion and mo
rality enjoin this conduct; and can it be, that good policy
does not equally enjoin it? It will be worthy of a free,
enlightened, and at no distant period a great nation, to
give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example
of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benev
olence. Who can doubt that in the course of time and
things, the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any
temporary advantages, which might be lost by a steady
adherence to it? Can it be that Providence has not con
nected the permanent felicity of a nation with its virtue?
The experiment, at least, is recommended by every senti
ment which ennobles human nature. Alas! is it rendered
impossible by its vices?
In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essen
tial than that permanent, inveterate antipathies against
particular nations, and passionate attachments for others,
should be excluded; and that, in place of them, just and
amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated. The
nation which indulges towards another an habitual
hatred, or an habitual fondness, is in some degree a slave.
It is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of
which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its
interest. Antipathy in one nation against another dis
poses each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay
hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and
intractable when accidental or trifling occasions of dis
pute occur. Hence, frequent collisions, obstinate, enven
omed, and bloody contests. The nation, prompted by
ill-will and resentment, sometimes impels to war the gov
ernment, contrary to the best calculations of policy. The
government sometimes participates in the national pro
pensity, and adopts through passion what reason would
reject; at other times, it makes the animosity of the na
tion subservient to projects of hostility instigated by
pride, ambition, and other sinister and pernicious motives.
The peace often, sometimes perhaps the liberty, of nations
has been the victim.
So likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for
another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the
favorite nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary
common interest in cases where no real common interest
exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other,
betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels
and wars of the latter, without adequate inducement or
justification. It leads also to concessions to the favorite
nation of privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly
to injure the nation making the concessions, by unneces
sarily parting with what ought to have been retained, and
by exciting jealousy, ill-will, and a disposition to retaliate,
in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld.
And it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens
(who devote themselves to the favorite nation), facility
to betray or sacrifice the interests of their own country,
without odium, sometimes even with popularity; gilding
with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation, a
commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable
zeal for public good, the base or foolish compliances of
ambition, corruption, or infatuation.
As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways
such attachments are particularly alarming to the truly
enlightened*and independent patriot. How many oppor
tunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions,
to practise the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion,
to influence or awe the public councils! Such an attach
ment of a small or weak, towards a great and powerful
nation, dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter.
Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I con
jure you to believe me, fellow-citizens), the jealousy of
a free people ought to be constantly awake, since history
and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the
most baneful foes of republican government. But that
jealousy, to be useful, must be impartial; else it becomes
the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, in
stead of a defence against it. Excessive partiality for
one foreign nation, and excessive dislike of another, cause
those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side,
and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on
the other. Real patriots who may resist the intrigues of
the favorite, are liable to become suspected and odious;
while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confi
dence of the people, to surrender their interests.
The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign
nations, is, in extending our commercial relations, to have
with them as little political connection as possible. So
far as we have already formed engagements, let them be
fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop.
Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have
none, or a very remote relation. Hence she must be en
gaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are
essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it
must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves, by artificial
ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordi
nary combinations and collisions of her friendships or
enmities.
Our detached and distant situation invites and enables
us to pursue a different course. If we remain one people,
under an efficient government, the period is not far off
when we may defy material injury from external annoy
ance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause
the neutrality, we may at any time resolve upon, to be
scrupulously respected; when belligerent nations, under
the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not
lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may
choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice,
shall counsel.
Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation?
Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why,
by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of
Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of
European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor, or caprice?
It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances
with any portion of the foreign world; so far, I mean,
as we are now at liberty to do it; for let me not be under
stood as capable of patronizing infidelity to existing en
gagements. I hold the maxim no less applicable to public
than to private affairs, that honesty is always the best
policy. I repeat it, therefore, let those engagements be
observed in their genuine sense. But, in my opinion, it
is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend them.
Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable es
tablishments, on a respectable defensive posture, we may
safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary
emergencies.
Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, are rec
ommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even
our commercial policy should hold an equal and impar
tial hand; neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors
or preferences; consulting the natural course of things;
diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of
commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing with powers
so disposed, in order to give trade a stable course, to de
fine the rights of our merchants, and to enable the gov
ernment to support them, conventipnal rules of inter
course, the best that present circumstances and mutual
opinion will permit, but temporary, and liable to be from
time to time abandoned or varied, as experience and cir
cumstances shall dictate; constantly keeping in view, that
it is folly in one nation to look for disinterested favors
from another; that it must pay with a portion of its
independence for whatever it may accept under that char
acter; that, by such acceptance, it may place itself in
the condition of having given equivalents for nominal
favors, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for
not giving more. There can be no greater error than to
expect or calculate upon real favors from nation to nation.
It is an illusion, which experience must cure, which a
just pride ought to discard.
In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of
an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will
make the strong and lasting impression I could wish;
that they will control the usual current of the passions,
or prevent our nation from running the course which has
hitherto marked the destiny of nations. But, if I may
even flatter myself that they may be productive of some
partial benefit, some occasional good; that they may now
and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit, to
warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard
against the impostures of pretended patriotism; this hope
will be a full recompense for the solicitude for your wel
fare, by which they have been dictated.
How far in the discharge of my official duties I have
been guided by the principles which have been delineated,
the public records and other evidences of my conduct
must witness to you and to the world. To myself, the
assurance of my own conscience is, that I have at least
believed myself to be guided by them.
In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my
proclamation of the 22d of April, 1793, is the index of
my plan. Sanctioned by your approving voice, and by that
of your Representatives in both Houses of Congress, the
spirit of that measure has continually governed me, un
influenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it.
After deliberate examination, with the aid of the best
lights I could obtain, I was well satisfied that our coun
try, under all the circumstances of the case, had a right
to take, and was bound in duty and interest to take, a
neutral position. Having taken it, I determined, as far
as should depend upon me, to maintain it, with modera
tion, perseverance and firmness.
The considerations which respect the right to hold this
conduct, it is not necessary on this occasion to detail.
I will only observe, that, according to my understanding
of the matter, that right, so far from being denied by
any of the belligerent powers, has been virtually admitted
by all.
The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred,
without anything more, from the obligation which jus
tice and humanity impose on every nation, in cases in
which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations
of peace and amity towards other nations.
The inducements of interest for observing that conduct
will best be referred to your own reflections and expe
rience. With me a predominant motive has been to en
deavor to gain time to our country to settle and mature
its yet recent institutions, and to progress without inter
ruption to that degree of strength and consistency which
is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the command
of its own fortunes.
Though, in reviewing the incidents of my administra
tion, I am unconscious of intentional error, I am never
theless too sensible of my defects not to think it probable
that, I may have committed many errors. Whatever they
may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or
mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I shall also
carry with me the hope that my country will never cease
to view them with indulgence; and that, after forty-five
years of my life dedicated to its service with an upright
zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned
to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest.
Relying on its kindness ir this as in other things, and
actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is so nat
ural to a man who views in it the native soil of himself
and his progenitors for several generations, I anticipate
with pleasing expectation that retreat, in which I promise
myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of
partaking, in the midst of my fellow-citizens, the benign
influence of good laws under a free government, the ever
favorite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I
trust, of our mutual cares, labors, and dangers.
GEORGE WASHINGTON
